A new wave of anxiety has suddenly engulfed Jammu & Kashmir. The news that the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) has taken over from J&K Bank some of the jobs the latter would do for this state is official now. To most Kashmiris, this step constitutes ‘nationalization’ of their most important institution. And the message that they see in this is not financial but significantly political.
On Friday, all speculations about this matter were put on rest when RBI came up with an official press release mentioning the signing of the agreement between J&K government and itself, making RBI take over from J&K Bank the role of providing overdraft facilities to J&K state. A big majority of J&K’s people see any such step a dilution of the state’s special status. They also see it as ‘nationalization’ of the state’s key institutions. And that is a grim message. A lot of state’s indigenous institutions have been ‘nationalized’ over the years. The problem is that such ‘nationalization’ creates greater centralization, challenging J&K’s quest for political autonomy even further. At the end of the day, Jammu & Kashmir’s case for restoration of political autonomy in practical terms is not about a political luxury, it is about need. Centralisation of powers is always bad for people’s welfare. In J&K’s case it is a recipe for long term instability and political chaos, rather than political reconciliation. This latest step has even the potential of putting spikes in the ongoing peace process being steered by the special interlocutors. No matter the merits of ‘financial discipline’, steps like these will not help in bridging the trust deficit between Srinagar and New Delhi. These steps also raise serious questions over National Conference’s ability to safeguard the state’s special status, howsoever symbolic that might be.
On Friday, all speculations about this matter were put on rest when RBI came up with an official press release mentioning the signing of the agreement between J&K government and itself, making RBI take over from J&K Bank the role of providing overdraft facilities to J&K state. A big majority of J&K’s people see any such step a dilution of the state’s special status. They also see it as ‘nationalization’ of the state’s key institutions. And that is a grim message. A lot of state’s indigenous institutions have been ‘nationalized’ over the years. The problem is that such ‘nationalization’ creates greater centralization, challenging J&K’s quest for political autonomy even further. At the end of the day, Jammu & Kashmir’s case for restoration of political autonomy in practical terms is not about a political luxury, it is about need. Centralisation of powers is always bad for people’s welfare. In J&K’s case it is a recipe for long term instability and political chaos, rather than political reconciliation. This latest step has even the potential of putting spikes in the ongoing peace process being steered by the special interlocutors. No matter the merits of ‘financial discipline’, steps like these will not help in bridging the trust deficit between Srinagar and New Delhi. These steps also raise serious questions over National Conference’s ability to safeguard the state’s special status, howsoever symbolic that might be.
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